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A rare combination of academic talent and initiative was then unleashed by the university, which may have felt the need to demonstrate its commitment to the cause, and this produced, after two years of sunup-to-sundown effort, the most rigorous, nuanced, and wide-ranging examination of the problem that has ever been carried out on a college campus.“It’s better for universities if sexual assault is positioned as a matter of sexual health, rather than as a scary threat,” the journalist Vanessa Grigoriadis, who published a book last year, “Blurred Lines,” about sexual assault on campus, told me.The women lost the case, but the district court ruled that it was “perfectly reasonable to maintain that academic advancement conditioned upon submission to sexual demands constitutes sex discrimination in education.” Two years later, Mac Kinnon published her landmark book, “Sexual Harassment of Working Women,” which argued that “economic power is to sexual harassment as physical force is to rape.”The proper scope of Title IX was argued in court over and over in the years that followed; rulings narrowed its application, then expanded it again.Meanwhile, anti-rape activism progressed on campuses across the country.Both women are in their fifties, have shoulder-length brown hair, and grew up in Jewish families in Manhattan.

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And, in addition, many students prefer to address these matters outside that system—they don’t necessarily want to send their assaulters to prison, and they may not be able to prove their cases beyond a reasonable doubt.

To complicate matters further, everyone involved in the process—accuser, accused, administrator—essentially works under the same roof.

Betsy De Vos, Trump’s Secretary of Education, has called the current approach a “failed system,” and said that she would seek to replace it.

(The previous definition—“the carnal knowledge of a female, forcibly and against her will”—had been in place since 1927.) Today, the D. The crime hinges on intention, and there are often no witnesses, which makes it uniquely difficult to adjudicate in any legal system, let alone one made up of college administrators.

Campus judiciary systems don’t have a criminal court’s investigative powers or evidentiary procedures, but they do have many of a criminal court’s responsibilities.

And, in addition, many students prefer to address these matters outside that system—they don’t necessarily want to send their assaulters to prison, and they may not be able to prove their cases beyond a reasonable doubt.

To complicate matters further, everyone involved in the process—accuser, accused, administrator—essentially works under the same roof.

Betsy De Vos, Trump’s Secretary of Education, has called the current approach a “failed system,” and said that she would seek to replace it.

(The previous definition—“the carnal knowledge of a female, forcibly and against her will”—had been in place since 1927.) Today, the D. The crime hinges on intention, and there are often no witnesses, which makes it uniquely difficult to adjudicate in any legal system, let alone one made up of college administrators.

Campus judiciary systems don’t have a criminal court’s investigative powers or evidentiary procedures, but they do have many of a criminal court’s responsibilities.

I got to thinking about this—and picturing my college self as a sort of avatar in an extended risk simulation—after talking with Jennifer Hirsch and Claude Ann Mellins, at Columbia University’s Mailman School of Public Health, in Washington Heights, on a biting, windy day last December.